A military coup is always planned and certain conditions must be met for a coup to take place. One of them is the agreement in the chain of command amongst the military leadership. Among the individuals and ranks to be considered, the role of the Chief of Staff and the commanding officers are critical. This is because, if these powerful individuals issue a statement in opposition to military activity leading to a coup, this can prevent the event occurring.
Special Forces Commander Zekai Aksakallı said, “In times of crisis, personnel are ordered to remain with their units. If this order had been given to army personnel, the coup’s true nature would have been exposed’’. This statement by Zekai Aksakallı shows that Chief of General Staff Hulusi Akar was not against the coup, but was part of the planned intelligence operation.
WHY WERE THE COMMANDERS HIDING?
The actions of the commanding officers during, before and after July 15 are not in line with standard military procedure. Why does a commander not give any orders until the morning after while his subordinates are waiting for orders? Why would a commander remain hidden, or treat an officer close to him as the leader of the coup while he is at the Akıncı base in Ankara?
WHY WAS THE PUBLIC INVITED TO THE STREETS?
If there was a military uprising, why would the ruling party call the people to the streets, not the state’s security forces? Among the people who were called to the streets, 99% of those who died were killed not by soldiers but by armed people whose origins were unknown. It is clearly seen in forensic medical reports that bullets that not in the TSK’s inventory were used and civilians standing face to face with military units were shot in the neck.
BEHEADING PEOPLE?
Why weren’t the people who were armed and cut off soldiers’ heads on a bridge investigated? These people were recognized as “heroes who prevented the coup”. Why weren’t the weapons of military personnel who were summoned to bridges, placed on the street or in action on July 15 subject to ballistic examinations? What was the reason for the action taken against military personnel who never served on July 15, who were abroad, on leave, retired or had died long ago? Why can’t journalists follow the July 15 trials? This was one of the most important events in Turkish history. Why aren’t the trials broadcasted live? Why are authorities afraid of what may be revealed?
WHY ARE THOSE WHO WRITE THE TRUTH ARRESTED?
Journalists who write about the facts revealed in courts and lawyers who describe the events in the courts are arrested and silenced. Why weren’t the Prime Minister, the President, the ministers, the deputies, any of the important figures who could be the target of the coup d’état arrested by the putschists on July 15? Why were commanding officers alleged to have been detained not as prisoners but as directors of the coup?
HOW CAN TWO DOCUMENTS BE THE SAME?
How can the Martial Law Directive, which is included in the records of court files, be said to have been prepared by the putschists? A document prepared long ago by the MIT had the same spelling and information errors? During a live broadcast, a Fox TV reporter said the parliament was bombed but planes were not flying there. How was the parliament bombed when there were no planes in the air? WHAT IS THE PURPOSE OF THE BOMBING OF PARLIAMENT? The Gölbaşı Police Special Operations building was bombed quite accurately, but why was there no hit recorded on the whole Parliament or the Presidential Palace? What benefit did the putschists think they would gain with these bombing activities? Why is there no physical damage or effects of the supposed bombings that are said to have taken place in the Parliament and the Palace? So much so that there was not even a fire. Why wasn’t all the national media (except for a show or two) commandeered by the putschists for their own use?
WHY WERE THESE NAMES EXCLUDED FROM THE COMMISSION?
Why were names such as the Chief of Staff, commanding officers, MIT Undersecretary, and important people such as Zekai Aksakallı excluded from the Coup Investigation Commission? Why are they not being tried in the courts or accused of carrying out the coup? How could the President, Prime Minister and other government officials, who said that they could not reach the MIT Undersecretary or the Armed Forces Command during the coup attempt, come to the conclusion that the coup was carried out by members of the Hizmet Movement? WHY
IS THE HEAD OF MIT, WHO DID NOT NOTIFY OF THE COUP, STILL IN OFFICE?
Why did names such as the MIT Undersecretary and the Chief of General Staff, who did not share any information or warn the government about the coup attempt, continue their duties or were promoted after the coup? Why did the buses carrying the Air Force Academy students returning from Yalova to Istanbul not all follow the same route? They preferred different routes. How was it that there were armed people waiting for them at points and they were involved in a fire fight?
HOW DID EVENTS THAT NEVER TOOK PLACE GET DOCUMENTED?
How is it possible that thousands of Judges and Prosecutors in many provinces were grouped together with the putschists in the early hours after the coup attempt? This was before anything was truly understood and before anyone knew who had carried out the coup d’état of July 15? How can events that never happened on July 15 be recorded in the report of Public Prosecutor Serdar Coşkun, which forms the basis for the detention of the abovementioned judges and prosecutors?